ズミ2 の山 11 月 1 週
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○自由な題名
◎坂
○人間と自然、国際社会と日本
○In 1858 Fukuzawa's(感) 英文のみのページ(翻訳用)
In 1858 Fukuzawa's own hard work bore fruit of a practical kind, for he was ordered by the clan authorities to proceed to Edo, there to start a school for teaching Dutch to the young clan samurai. This small school, quartered in the clan's nakayashiki or secondary mansion at Teppozu and equipped in the most rudimentary way, was later to grow into what is now Keio University.
But it was not long before Fukuzawa came to realise that a knowledge of Dutch alone would be entirely inadequate to meet the needs of the times. Soon after he arrived in Edo he walked down to Yokohama to visit the primitive foreign settlement which had sprung up there as a result of the Five Nation Treaties concluded the year before. He found to his dismay that his efforts to speak Dutch were not understood.

Nobody understood a word I said, and naturally I understood nothing of what they were saying. I couldn't read the signboards or the labels on the bottles. Nowhere could I see a single familiar word.... When I got back it wasn't my weary legs that I minded, but the bitter disappointment of knowing that all my years of desperate efforts to learn Dutch had gone for nothing...But I knew that it was no time to despair. The language used must be either English or French and I had heard before that English was the language used all over the world. So the day after I got back from Yokohama I made up my mind that I would have to learn English.

He tells us that he made some progress with the aid of a Dutch-English dictionary and a few visits to shipwrecked Japanese sailors who had been picked up in British boats.
In 1860 he contrived to be taken on a voyage to America, in the capacity of personal servant to the captain of the Kanrin Maru, a Japanese vessel acting as escort to the battleship Powhattan which was carrying three Japanese envoys to Washington for the purpose of ratifying the Treaty of 1858. The crew of the Kanrin Maru went no further than San Francisco, but there Fukuzawa was able to see such wonders of science as the town could boast at the time, and, even stranger, wonders of western everyday life such as had never appeared in textbooks of physics, medicine or astronomy.

The Americans were very kind in explaining about the telegraph and the process of galvanising , and how the process of boiling in a sugar refinery could be speeded up by producing a vacuum in the cauldron -- and they obviously thought they were showing us things the like of which we had never even dreamed of. But in fact we already knew all about speeding up boiling by means of a vacuum, and how to refine sugar by straining it through bone-charcoal....

Far stranger were the horse-drawn carriages, the carpets on the floors of the hotel and the curious spectacle of ladies and gentlemen dancing.
Fukuzawa's second voyage to the West was made in 1862 in the capacity of 'translator' to the delegation sent to Europe to negotiate for the postponement of the opening of the ports of Hyogo and Niigata to foreign trade and of Edo and Osaka to foreign residence. The delegation visited France, England, Holland, Germany, Russia and Portugal, their hosts in each of the capital cities taking pains to show them the most impressive examples of western civilisation that their country could muster.
Fukuzawa lost no opportunity for learning all he could, particularly in the fields of politics and economics and the small things of daily life which the westerners considered too obvious to write down in books. 'They probably thought us very stupid', he recalled, 'to ask so many questions about ordinary everyday things which they understood perfectly, but for us it was these very ordinary everyday things which were the most difficult to understand.' Things like Life Insurance Companies, for example, were very difficult, and, he recalled, 'I shall never forget the terrible trouble I had in understanding how the postal system worked.' And as for the party system and the election law, 'it was often five or ten days before it finally dawned on me what they meant.'
Fukuzawa was an indefatigable note-taker. 'Whenever I met anyone whom I thought to be of any consequence', he wrote in his autobiography, 'I did my best to learn something from him. I would ask questions and put down everything he said in a notebook .... If I visited a hospital, for instance, I would ask who paid the expenses and how. If I visited a bank I would ask how the money was paid in and out .... 'One of his notebooks has been preserved. It is crammed with information in Japanese, English and Dutch on such varied subjects as the cost per mile of building a railway, the number of students in King's College, London, and the correct process for hardening wood
The information he collected on this tour later went to form the basis of the book which first made him famous as an authority on the West --Seiyo Jijo, or Conditions in the West. Seiyo Jijo was indeed an epoch-making work. Of the first volume alone, which appeared in 1866, 150,000 copies were sold almost at once and pirated editions soon raised the number to 250,000. Its success was largely due to the fact that it contained precisely the kind of information which the Japanese at that time were needing to substantiate their shadowy vision of the western lands -- namely, simple, concise accounts of everyday social institutions such as hospitals, schools, newspapers, workhouses, taxation, museums and lunatic asylums. The book's success was due also to its literary style, which was so simple and lucid as to be easily comprehensible by any Japanese of any degree of literacy. It was a style which, contrary as it was to all the canons of scholarly writing of the day, Fukuzawa cultivated consciously and at first painfully, with the object of enabling his works to be read by as wide a public as possible. Indeed, to test the comprehensibility of his writings Fukuzawa would sometimes make his housemaid read his manuscripts through, and would alter any word or phrase which she did not understand.
During the upheaval of the Restoration of 1868 Fukuzawa continued quietly writing and teaching in his school. He remained strictly neutral throughout the disturbances partly, he tells us, because he had no sympathy with either of the two contending parties and partly because he had no personal ambitions which might have been furthered by supporting either side.
The Bakufu he had always disliked. Nor did the supporters of the Emperor seem to Fukuzawa any better; if anything they were worse in so far as they seemed even more fanatically anti-foreign than the Bakufu. Hence, during the time of crisis preceding the Restoration he scarcely left his school, even though the numbers of the students were much depleted and though the rest of the city 'was in tumult, everyone, not only samurai but also doctors, long-sleeved scholars and priests, doing nothing but talk politics as though they were mad or drunk.' Even after the Imperial Army had pushed its way into Edo and the battle of Ueno was in progress, Fukuzawa continued to lecture on Wayland's Elements of Political Economy to the few students that remained.

★スポーツを観る経験の仕方は(感)
 【1】スポーツを観る経験の仕方はふたつある。ひとつはメディアによってスペクタクルとして受けとることである。それは消費行動になる。メディアはスポーツを記号化し、観戦者はそのなかに没入することはないが、その記号を自分のペースで利用することができる。【2】これはとくにテレビの場合に著しい。それは直接の体験ではないばかりではない。いつでもリプレイでき、画像を止めることも、そこに動きの説明を書き込むこともできるからである。【3】観戦する側は、スタジアムにいるわけではなく、自分の家の室内にいて、ときには別の行為をしながらときどき観るといった経験が可能である。スポーツは日常生活のなかに同化してしまうのであり、スポーツがわれわれを日常性から逸脱させることはない。【4】われわれはスポーツのみならず、スポーツする身体も消費しているのである。
 テレビによる経験は、最初からある距離をとっているから、決して臨場的なエクスタシーを感じることはない。【5】しかしこれはスポーツにたいして空間的、時間的に個人的な経験を拡大する。われわれは決して個人では経験できないいろいろな角度、いろいろな視野で観られるだけでなく、反復して観ることもできるし、スローで確かめることもできる。【6】つまりスポーツをメディアが構成する言説として受けとる。これは特異な経験ではない。現代社会での経験は、生の出来事を経験するよりも言説に媒介された経験の方が正常だと言えるからである。【7】衛星中継の発達によってわれわれの経験する空間はネーションを超えてひろがり、日本にいながら世界のどこかで行われているゲームを観戦することができる。【8】だがじかに目で観ている場合と、速度、力、全体の雰囲気は違っている。テレビのカメラを通したものであるし、レンズやフレーム、クローズ・アップとロング・ショットというイメージ言説のモードは免れない。
 【9】しかしスタジアムに行くことは、すでにそのゲームの一部になることである。もちろん今そこで起こったことを再現して検証したり、ファウルをチェックしたりすることなどできない。それができないことは、スポーツ観戦が記号化できないことに他ならない。【0】そのときテレビでは決してありえない絶対的瞬間を経験する。日常のわれわれの生活はダブル・バインド(二重拘束)の状態にあ∵る。というのは現代社会は多価値的であり、同時に相反する異質な価値を受けとることが普通の状態であるからである。われわれは最初からねじれた存在である。スポーツを直接観ることはそのことを忘れさせる。われわれは日常のダブル・バインドの状態から脱出する。少なくとも人びとは真の存在を回復したような錯覚に陥る。われわれはこのことをエクスタシーと呼んでいる。
 言うまでもないがエクスタシーはスポーツの独占物ではない。芸術がもっとも深いエクスタシーを生みだしてきたであろうし、宗教も人をトランス状態に誘い込む。しかしスポーツは身体的であり、決して特別な感受性を必要とはしない。さらに今日では芸術にはむしろこうしたエクスタシーから遠ざかることが必要になっている。宗教はたんなるエクスタシーとは異なるものをもっている。そうなるとスポーツのスタジアムで集団的に一体化することは今日、もっとも普通の人間にエクスタシーを経験させるものではないのか。われわれのまわりには群衆がひしめいている。自分もそのひとりなのである。この群衆経験の極限にあるのがエクスタシーである。ファシズムの集団的行動は、このエクスタシーあるいはダブル・バインドの消滅を意識的に取り入れたものであった。エクスタシーの瞬間のもたらす幻覚は、日常を離脱し、他界に触れ、真の存在を取りもどしたかのように錯覚させることである。そうかんがえると政治がスポーツを利用したというより、スポーツこそ政治のモデルであったのかもしれない。
 しかし現代社会では今後ますますメディアの力はひろがり、直接的経験は少なくなる。このことは間違いない。言い換えると、スポーツはますます記号として消費される身体のパフォーマンスになる。これには明らかに二つの面がある。ひとつは、スポーツの結果が、結局は勝つか負けるかの二者択一に帰着すること。しかしもう一面では、その放映権料がスポーツを支え、巨大な資本の力は浸透度をさらに強めていくだろう。主体のない巨大な力がひろがる領域は、一見すると力の支配のメカニズムの場に見えるが、スポーツはそのメカニズムが単純なだけに、そのディジタルな競争の無限の反復は、反対に資本主義のモデルに見えるようになっていくだろう。
(多木浩()ニ「スポーツを考える」より)