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○自由な題名
◎水
○日本の食糧問題、旅
○Sigmund Freud tried to cure(感) 英文のみのページ(翻訳用)
Sigmund Freud tried to cure Viennese women of their neuroses, and Konrad Lorenz made his reputation studying birds, but the two men shared a belief that has become lodged in the popular consciousness. The belief is that we have within us, naturally and spontaneously, a reservoir of aggressive energy. This force, which builds up all by itself, must be periodically drained off -- say, by participating in competitive sports -- lest we explode into violence.
This is an appealing model because it is easy to visualize. It is also false. As an animal behaviorist has written: "All of our present data indicate that fighting behavior among higher mammals, including man, originates in external stimulation and that there is no evidence of spontaneous internal stimulation." Clearly, many people -- and, in fact, whole cultures -- manage quite well without behaving aggressively, and there is no evidence of the inexorable build-up of pressure that this "hydraulic" model would predict.
In 1986, a group of eminent behavioral scientists met in Seville, Spain, to discuss the roots of human aggression and concluded not only that the hydraulic model is inaccurate but, more generally, that there is no scientific basis for the belief that humans are naturally aggressive and warlike. That belief, however, has not been easily shaken. Among the arguments one sometimes hears are these: Animals are aggressive and we cannot escape the legacy of our evolutionary ancestors; human history is dominated by tales of war and cruelty; and certain areas of the brain and particular hormones are linked to aggression, proving a biological basis for such behavior.
The first thing to be said about animals is that we should be cautious in drawing lessons from them to explain our own behavior, given the mediating force of culture and our capacity for reflection. "Our kinship with other animals does not mean that if their behavior seems often to be under the influence of instincts, this must necessarily also be the case in humans," says an anthropologist. He quotes one authority who has written: "There is no more reason to believe that man fights wars because fish or beavers are territorial than to think that man can fly because bats have wings."
Animals are not even as aggressive as some people think -- unless the term "aggression" is stretched to include killing in order to eat. Organized group aggression is rare in other species, and the aggression that does exist is typically a function of the environment in which animals find themselves. Scientists have discovered that altering their environment, or the way they are reared, can have a profound impact on the level of aggression found in virtually all species. Furthermore, animals cooperate -- both within and among species -- far more than many of us assume on the basis of watching nature documentaries.
When we turn to human history, we find an alarming amount of aggressive behavior, but we do not find reason to believe the problem is innate. Here are some of the points made by critics of biological determinism:
Even if a behavior is universal, we cannot automatically conclude it is part of our biological nature. All known cultures may produce pottery, but that doesn't mean there is a gene for pottery making. Other institutions once thought to be natural are now very difficult to find. In a century or two, says a sociologist, "it is possible that people will look back and regard war in much the same way as today we look back at the practice of slavery."
Aggression, in any case, is nowhere near universal. The above-mentioned anthropologist has edited a book, which features accounts of peaceful cultures. It is true that these are hunter-gatherer societies, but the fact that any humans live without violence would seem to refute the charge that we are born aggressive. In fact, cultures that are "closer to nature" would be expected to be the most warlike if the proclivity for war were really part of that nature. Just the reverse seems to be true. Erich Fromm put it this way: "The most primitive men are the least warlike and ...warlikeness grows in proportion to civilization. If destructiveness were innate in man, the trend would have to be the opposite."
Just as impressive as peaceful cultures are those that have become peaceful. In a matter of a few centuries, Sweden has changed from a fiercely warlike society to one of the least violent among industrialized nations. This shift -- like the existence of war itself -- can more plausibly be explained in terms of social and political factors rather than by turning to biology.
While it is indisputable that wars have been fought frequently, the fact that they seem to dominate our history may say more about how history is presented than about what actually happened. "We write and teach our history in terms of violent events, marking time by wars," says a psychologist. "When we don't have wars, we call it the 'interwar years.' It's a matter of selective reporting."
The presence of some hormones or the stimulation of certain sections of the brain has been experimentally linked with aggression. But after describing these mechanisms in some detail, a physiological psychologist emphasizes that aggressive behavior is always linked to an external stimulus. "That is," he says, "even though the neural system specific to a particular kind of aggression is well-activated, the behavior does not occur unless an appropriate target is available...and even then it can be inhibited...."
So important is the role of the environment that talking of an "innate1'tendency to be aggressive makes little sense for animals, let alone for humans. It is as if we were to assert that because there can be no fires without oxygen, and because the Earth is blanketed by oxygen, it is in the nature of our planet for buildings to burn down.
All of this concerns the matter of human aggressiveness in general. The idea that war in particular is biologically determined is even more farfetched "When one country attacks another country, this doesn't happen because people in the country feel aggressive toward those in the other," explains a biologist. "If it were true, we wouldn't need propaganda or a draft: All those aggressive people would sign up right away. State 'aggression' is a matter of political policy, not a matter of feeling."
The point was put well by Jean Jacques Rousseau more than two centuries ago: "War is not a relation between man and man, but between State and State, and individuals are enemies accidentally." That states must "psych up" men to fight makes it even more difficult to argue for a connection between our natures and the fact of war. In the case of the nuclear arms race, this connection is still more tenuous. Says Bernard Lown, cochairman of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, which received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1985: "The individual's behavior, whether he's aggressive or permissive or passive, is not the factor that makes up his outlook toward genocide. Even the person who's aggressive won't readily accept extinction."

★本来、特許制度は(感)
 【1】本来、特許制度は発明を保護する狙いをもっている。技術を「公開」した代償として、発明者に「独占権」を与えようとするものである。
 技術の公開とひきかえに発明者に与えられる独占権には、三つの効用が期待できる。
 【2】一つは、発明に要した開発費用の回収が可能になることである。長期間の悪戦苦闘の末、発明まで漕ぎ着けた者が、その発明を模倣されたら、どんなことになるだろうか。発明者は以後、発明の中身を公開しなくなるであろう。【3】実際、模倣者は開発コストがかからないので、発明者よりも安く商品を製造販売することができるわけである。もし発明者に一定の独占期間が与えられれば、開発コストは回収され、さらに利益を生み出すことも期待できよう。
 【4】二つ目の効用は、社会全体からみて、発明のための重複研究、二重投資が避けられ、公開された発明の中身が吟味され、さらにちがった方向の研究に進むことが可能である。
 【5】三つ目は、発明が特許によって保障されれば、発明行為に火がつき新しい発明および技術開発のための刺激剤にもなりうるだろう。
 (中略)
 歴史上、われわれからオリジナリティを奪い取った典型的な事例として、よく引き合いに出される文献がある。【6】それが享保六年(一七二一年)に徳川幕府が出した触れ書きで、「新規御法度(ごはっと)」と呼ばれたものである。新規のことはすべて幕府に対する反逆と決めつけられた。新しいことは何もかも悪とみなされたのである。
 「新規御法度」とはどんなものだったのか。
 【7】一、呉服物、諸道具、書物は申すに及ばず、諸商売物、菓子類にても、新規に巧()出し候事自今以後堅く停止たり。若し拠なき仔細これある者は役所へ訴出、許を受け仕出す可き事
 【8】一、諸商物の内、古来の通にて事済み候処、近年色品を替、物∵数寄に仕出し候類は追て吟味を遂げ停止申付くべく候間、兼々其旨心得べき事
 【9】つまり、呉服や道具や書物やお菓子にいたるまで、新規のものを製造販売することは禁じられたのである。また長い間売ってきたものに、たとえば色を変えるとか、素材に別のものを使って、目先の変化をつけようとすることも禁じられた。
 【0】上の触れ書きは享保六年のものだが、この手のお触れはしばしば発せられている。
 享保六年は、西暦に直すと一七二一年、先進国のイギリスでは一八世紀の産業革命期を迎えようとしていた。変革の前夜であった。
 日本は産業革命どころの話ではなく、新しいお菓子さえ作ってはいけないといわれた鎖国のまっただなかにあった。新技術をはぐくむ土壌は幕府によって完全に抑圧され、まったく発明への気運を醸成するような社会情勢にはなかったのである。人びとは変化を求めず、思想の自由、行動の自由を求めず、ひたすら幕藩体制下の秩序を守ることを強いられた。だからこそ、この抑圧が反発のバネになり、新しい時代を用意するための変革期を迎えることになるのである。
 かりに優秀な技術があったにしても、それを公にせず、秘法として自らの内におさめておくことが、為政者の求めるところでもあった。
 このような変化を嫌う状況では、「発明の公開」を条件に「独占権」を与えようという特許の思想は育ちようもない。
 たしかに、江戸時代も半ばを過ぎると、幕府の出した「新規御法度」とは逆に、各藩は、競って新技術・新産業・新商品を求めるようになっていったことは事実である。しかし、欧米が鉄とか蒸気機関、電信機といったすすんだ発明と特許の関係を論じているとき、日本では塗物、紙、ロウソク、醤油、お茶、鋳物、木綿など日常生活の中の小物の改良、改善に関する工夫や技法を問題にしてい∵た。もちろん築城といった巨大技術もあったが、それは例外中の例外といえる。
 嘉()永六年(一八五三年)のペリーの来航によって、日本は急速に開国に向かい、西欧の文物を大々的に導入することになった。こうした流れの中で特許制度も、福沢諭吉の「西洋事情」(一八六六―七〇年にかけて出版)によって、日本にはじめて紹介された。

(守誠『特許の文明史』より抜粋()、調整)